The ICC and Africa: Should the Latter Remain Engaged?

The International Criminal Court (the 'ICC or 'the Court' hereafter) and Aftica have had a tumultuous relationsbip iJ1ce the creation of the Court. Alth ugh there ha never been unanimou support for the Court in Africa, African tate were key to the development of the Courl and engaged closely with it ince its early years. Since 2005, however, there ha been a growing discontent with the Court and deterioration in the relationship between the Court and the African Union. Despite this, a number of African states remain committed to the ICC. In 2017, the withdrawal notifications of South Africa and Gambia were retracted, whilst the 'mass withdrawal strategy' is in reality a li t of proposed changes to the Court's mandate as this piece will show. For the relationship between Africa and the !CC to continue to evolve, there needs to be more effective dis ourse between African states and the ICC. 111 the long term, it i necessary for African tates to strengthen their national judiciarie · there is a.I o an option of expanding the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human Right to international crime . However, the be t way forward i to continue co engage with the ICC.


Introduction
Uniquely in international law, international criminal law concerns the liability of individ uals rather than tate . The creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC, the Courl)-through the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court in 2002 1 -signified a new era in international criminal justice. The Court is the first withdrawal' . 6 In January 2018, at the conclusion of the 30th session of the African Union Summit of Heads of State and Government, a decision was adopted to eek an advisory opinion from the International Coun of Justice (ICJ) regarding the immunity of heads of state and government officials. 7 The Decision-entitled 'Deci ion on the International Criminal Court'-requests as follows: The African Group in New York 10 immediately place on the agenda of the United al.ions General As embly a request to seek an advisory opinion from the lntemationnl Court of Justice on the question ofimmunitles of a Head of Slate and Government and other Senior Officials as it relates 10 the relationship between Articles 27 and 98 (of the Rome Statute) and the obligation of States Parties under International Law. 8 The Decision expresses, inter alia, the following: Deep concern with the decision of the Pre· Trial Chamber II of the ICC on the legal obligation of the Republic of South Africa to arrest and surrender President Al Bashir of The Sudan which i at variance with customary international law and CALLS on Member States of the African Union, particularly those that arc also State Parties to the ICC, to oppose this line of interpretation of their legal obligations under the Rome Statute; The need for member slates to strengthen national and continenwl judicial and legislative mechanisms co deal with impunity in order to ensure that justice i served in a fair manner ... It i hoped that the UN General Assembly will vote favourably to request such an advisory opinion from the ICJ and that the latter will clarify the legal issues that might help defu e the tension between the ICC and the AU.
Despite the spread of discontent, however, many African states have remained engaged with the ICC. For example, a number of African tales did not support the AU non-cooperation statements, several African state in the UNSC supported the referrals of Sudan and Libya, elf-referrals to the ICC by African states (Mali in 2012, CAR in 2014, Gabon in 2016 9 have continued, the 'mass withdrawal strategy' i in reality a . ubmi sion of a list of proposed changes to the Court and the withdrawal notifications of South Africa and Gambia were themselves withdrawn in 2017. The AU Decision on the International Criminal Court also upheld the need for justice when international crimes are committed. However, it must be noted that the AU does not represent a united front of African States-there still exists some State support, and African civil society organisations remain committed to the ICC. 6 A sembly of Lhe Union, Twenty eighth ordinary session, 30-31 January 2017, 'Deci ion on the International Criminal Court Doc.IDC.CU1006(XXX)' ; African Union, 'Draft 2. Withdrawal SLrategy Documem' , J 2 January 2017. https://www.hrw.org/sices/default/files/supponing_ resources/icc_wiLhdrawal_strategyjan._2017.pdf. Accessed 7 Augu t 2017. 1 See also Coalition for the ICC website. 8 The text of the decision was not yet public at the time of the writing of the present contribution but was on file with Makane M. Mbengue. Therefore there may be some minor language differences be1ween the text that is quoted in the present contribution and the text thaL will be made public at a Inter stage. 9 International Criminal Court website. 'Situations'. https://www.icc-cpi.int/#. Accessed 14 August 2017.
In this context, this current development piece examines some of the recent developments in the relationship between the ICC and Africa. Section 2 examines the changing prosecutorial policy towards Africa, Sect. 3 discusses the State withdrawals and the AU's collective withdrawal policy, Sect. 4 examines the recent developments in international criminal law as a result of cases arising from African situations and Sect. 5 considers the AU proposal for establishing an African continental criminal court. Some remarks are made at the end.

Prosecutorial Policy and the Perils of Selective Justice
As stated above, one of the primary criticisms leveled against the ICC has been that of selective justice in view of the prosecutorial policy of the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP). The OTP is an independent organ of the Court that is responsible for conducting investigations and prosecutions against individuals allegedly involved in genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and the crime of aggression. LO For an effective ICC, the Prosecutor must be considered above reproach and independent from politicisation.
Under Article 13 of the Rome Statute, the OTP is able to instigate investigations proprio motu, which it has done in Kenya and more recently in Georgia. The OTP is also not obliged to pursue investigations in all state referrals, only those that meet its selection criteria. Equally, the OTP must make a decision on whether situations referred by the UNSC should be prosecuted. 11 This independence and discretion is key to the effective functioning of any prosecutorial body; however, it is this discretion, or lack thereof, that has resulted in a perceived bias against African states.
The first situations before the ICC were self-referrals from African states. The investigation and prosecution of these cases worked to the OTP's advantage as it allowed an opportunity to demonstrate the Court's relevance and establish the OTP's credentials whilst guaranteeing a degree of state support, which would not be as forthcoming in a non-self-referral situation. 12 Until January 2016, however, all ICC investigations concerned African states, despite evidence of human rights violations in a range of other states, including Palestine, Colombia, Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan. In a view espoused by a number of academics and politicians, 13 the only rationale 10 International Criminal Court website. 'Office of the Prosecutor'. https://www.icc-cpi.int/about/ otp. Accessed 12 January 2018. 11 Babington-Ashaye (2014), pp. 381-398. 12 Vilmer (2016)  for the failure to open investigations in these areas is that the decision was motivated by political considerations. This is particularly the case in relation to Palestine,14 where, despite a declaration of acceptance of jurisdiction in 2009, the Prosecutor took three years to issue a statement to the effect that Palestine is not a state and that as such Palestine was not able to request that the Prosecutor investigate a situation. 15 African situations or alleged crimes, meanwhile, were acted on comparatively quickly, perhaps under the perception that they would be relatively easy cases to prove with minimal political backlash. 16 Accusations of selective justice were raised during the term of the first Prosecutor, Luis Moreno Ocampo of Argentina. Vocal criticism of the first Prosecutor was expressed by Jean Ping (then African Union Commission Chairman) at the African Union Summit in Ethiopia in 2011: We Africans and the African Union are not against the International Criminal Court. That should be clear ... we are against Ocampo who is rendering justice with double standards. 17 The appointment of Fatou Bensouda of Gambia as Prosecutor in 2012 has eased some of the concerns of selective justice. 18 Beyond her impeccable legal reputation, the appointment of an African prosecutor signaled a political message to African states that their concerns regarding selective justice on the part of the Prosecutor had been heard. Since her appointment, Ms. Bensouda has taken steps that may in the long term assist in rehabilitating the reputation of the OTP and has undertaken an outreach campaign to change the negative attitudes towards the Court. 19 She has also opened investigations in states outside Africa, with preliminary investigations having commenced in Palestine in 2015, in Iraq/UK, in Afghanistan and in Georgia in 2016. In September 2016, a new OTP Policy Paper on Case Selection and Prioritisation was released. 20 The Policy Paper reiterates the independence, objectivity and impartiality of the OTP. It also details the standards that the OTP will apply to prioritising cases. Although the Policy Paper does not directly address concerns regarding current investigations, such as the focus on Africa, the Policy Paper makes the workings of the OTP more transparent, which may help ease some of the AU's criticisms. 21 One notable development in the new Policy Paper is that it provides that 14 It is interesting to note that an Investigation into the situation in Palestine may be forthcoming, as in 2012 Palestine was granted che status of a 'non-member observer state' at the UN, and in 2015 was accepted as a party to the Rome Statute. 15 Dugard (2013), pp. 563-570. 16 Arnould (2017) (2016). the impact of the crimes may be assessed in light of, inter alia, the increased vulnerability of victims, the terror subsequently instilled, or the social, economic and environmental damage inflicted on the affected communities. In this context, the Office will give particular consideration to prosecuting Rome Statute crimes that are committed by means of, or that result in, inter alia, the destruction of the environment, the illegal exploitation of natural resources or the illegal dispossession of land. 22 Further, the Policy Paper states that in relation to cases not selected for investigation or prosecution ... the Office will also seek to cooperate and provide assistance to States, upon request, with respect to conduct which constitutes a serious crime under national law, such as the illegal exploitation of natural resources, anus trafficking, terrorism, financial crimes, land grabbing or the destruction of the environment. Finally, the Office recalls that it fully endorses the role that can be played by truth seeking mechanisms, reparations programs, institutional reform and traditional justice mechanisms as part of a broader comprehensive strategy. 23 This expansion of considerations is comparable to the proposed expansion of the African Court on Human and People's Rights under the 2014 Malabo Protocol (discussed in more detail later). As such, it is indicative of a responsiveness to African complaints regarding the biased focus of the Court on offences that concern the West and the exclusion of offences important to Africa.
These recent developments-the appointment of an African Prosecutor, the new Prosecutorial Policy Paper and opening investigations outside of Africa-will hopefully address the concern of selective justice expressed by many African states and result in continued engagement with the ICC.

The Threats of Withdrawals: From a Negative to a Positive
Impact?
The perceived bias of the Court in general and its prosecutorial policy and record have resulted in many African states campaigning for a coordinated withdrawal en masse from the Rome Statute and the notice of intention to withdraw by a number of individual states. Withdrawal from the Rome Statute is governed by Article 127, paragraph 1, which provides as follows: A State Party may, by written notification addressed to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, withdraw from this Statute. The withdrawal shall take effect one year after the date of receipt of the notification, unless the notification is withdrawn.
In October and November 2016, three African states parties, South Africa, Burundi and Gambia, notified the UN Secretary General of their intention to withdraw under Article 127(1) of the Rome Statute. These withdrawal notification were supported by the AU in its 'collective withdrawal. trategy' 24 but triggered criticisms from a number of African state that have since reaffirmed their commitment to the Courc.2.S 1\vo of the e countries-South Africa and Gambia-have ince recon idered their po itions and retracted their notifications of withdrawal. As uch, they remain state partie to the Rome Statute (Gambia retracted itS withdrawal notification following a regime change, whilst South Africa did so following a decision of the South African Court, which found the withdrawal notice "'unconstitutional and invalid" because it had not pa sed through parliamenr'. 6 The withdrawal notifications of Gambia and Burundi appear to have been motivated by the perceived need to protect government official from potential lCC investigation . 27 ln Gambia, then President Jammeh had eized power in a coup in 1994, and dur. ing the course of his presidency, the government frequently committed act that, if proven, could come within the jurisdiction of the Court Just prior to then President Jammeh losing the election in December 2016, Gambia submitted it intention to withdraw from the Rome Statute. In January 2017, power was transferred peacefully to President Barrow, who, .in February 2017 notified the UN Secretary General of Gambia 's decision to rescind the withdrawal notification with immediate effect. [n relation to Burundi allegations that tate agents and group launched widespread attacks against members of the civilian population who oppo ed the desire of President Pierre Nkurunzuza to run for a third term in office. This resulted in the OTP opening an investigation into the ituation concerning the period 26 April 2015-26 October 2017. On 27 October 2017, the withdrawal of Burundi from the ICC came inlo effect. Unlike in Gambia there bas not been a regime change in Burundi, and as uch it is perhaps unsurprising that Burundi proceeded with it withdrawal from U1e ICC. 28 The effective withdrawal of Burundi from the ICC will not, however, affect the ability of the OTP to investigate and prosecute for offences allegedly committed before the withdrawal came into effect i.e. 27 October 2017. Per Article 127(2) of the Rome Statute, the Court will con.tinue to have jurisdiction over Burundian officials for thi period and the state will remain obliged to cooperate with a11y ongoing inve ligations. The January 20 l 8 AU Decision take note of htrp ://www.reuters.com/article/us-snfricn-icc/souLh-african-court-blocks-governments-icc-withdrawal-bid-idUSKBN 161 ORS. Accessed 12 January 20 l8. 27 Ssenyonjo (2017), pp. 1-57. 28 Ssenyonjo (2017) op. cit. the situation prevailing in the Republic of Burundi as it is prejudicial to the dialogue process under the auspices of the East African Community, and ... constitutes both a violation of the sovereignty of Burundi and is a move aimed at destabilising that country.
South Africa was the only state to provide detailed reasons for its intended withdrawal from the Rome Statute. 29 These reasons included were the loss of credibility of the ICC due to its relationship with the UNSC and its focus on Africa, the ICC's performance and budgeL, the UNSC' refu al to con ider A1ticle 16 deferral and conflicting international law obligations in respect of immunities. 30 The po ition of outh Africa . hould be con idered more do ely a it relationhip with the ICC i reflective of the continent's relationship wirh the ICC. South Africa ratified the Rome Statute in 2000 and was the first African state to pass domestic legislation implementing the Statute. Further, South Africa refused to sign USA's bilateral immunity agreement (BIA). These agreements sought to protect USA nationals from prosecution by the ICC by providing that states would not be permitted to hand over 'current or former government officials, employees (including contractors), or military personnel or nationals' to the ICC. 31 In the case of a refusal to sign the agreement, the USA could, in accordance with its (then) new domestic legi lation, u. pend aid transfers and military assistance to the refu ing State-in effect attempting to force compliance through economic sanctions. 32 This was not an empty threat; in refusing to sign the BIA, South Africa did lose USA's aid.
It was only after the 2009 ICC arrest warrant for President Al Bashir of Sudan that South Africa supported AU resolutions seeking the deferral of the investigation and the decision of non-cooperation. During the AU summit in 2013, South Africa voted against the Kenyan proposal for a mass withdrawal from the ICC. Initially, South Africa had tacitly avoided Al Bashir's entering South Africa, but on 13 June 2015 he entered the country to attend the AU Summit. During this visit, the ICC requested that South Africa arrest Al Bashir pursuant to its obligations as a state party to the Statute. The South African High Court ordered the government to prevent Al Bashir from leaving the country, but he was able to leave South Africa prior to the arrest warrant being served. It was in this context that the South African President notified the ICC of the intention to withdraw. This withdrawal then had to be rescinded as it had been issued without undergoing parliamentary approval. 33 It 29 Akande (2016). 30 Ssenyonjo (2017) 33 For more detailed discussion see: Woolaver (2016, 2017). remains to be een whether Soulh Africa will re-ubmit a statement of intention to withdraw from lhe StaLUte if proper domestic procedure i adhered to.
In January 2017, the AU Summit is ued a resolution titled 'Collective Withdrawal Strategy . 34 The Litle is inflammatory and i a mi n.omer. In reality the strategy Ii t AU grievances with the Court an.d contain a number of pos ible reform mo t of which relate to the relationship between the ICC and the UNSC. The re lution i also non-binding and merely calls on Member States to consider impleme11ti11g il recommendations. 3 S Fmthermore, the AU does not represent a united from of African rates. ll i.
effective in bringing regional concerns to the aLtention of the international community but i incapable of representing the po ition of each of it member tates individually. A number of states did not support the collective withdrawal . u·ategy and eight issued reservation (Nigeria, Senegal, Cape Verde Liberia, Malawi, Tanzania, Tunisia and Zambia). 36 This lack of con en us js strongly .indicative of the di agreements between African stale a to the best way to proceed and their relationship with the ICC. 37 The retraction of the withdrawal of Gambia and ouU1 Africa and the reality of lhe 'Ma Wjthdrawal Strategy as a li t of reform recommendations indjcate that the majority of African states remain supportive of the ICC. The ICC has al o continued to enjoy the upporl of African NGO and civil society 38 even when their states have officially adopted an anti-ICC po ition. Equally the efforts of the ICC lo accommodate African concern. (for example in the recent developmen in the TP) . indicate that the Court values the continued upport of Africa and wi hes to remain engaged with the continent. The relationship between the ICC and Africa is important for both sides: il ha given African tate acce to a permanent international tribunal dealing with offences they them elves may not be able to pro ecute and African engagement gave the Court much-needed early support and ha allowed the development and refinement of principle of international criminal law.

Africa's Contribution to the Development of International Criminal Law
Given the focus of ICC investigations, many Africans fear that the continent has been used as a testing ground for new concepts of international criminal law. As the ad hoe tribunals have shown, the early cases of any judicial body invariably involve some experimentation and settling of principles; however, this only increases their importance in the development of an effective system. Without first cases, there can be no development of the law. The early cases from Africa have allowed the Court to establish new rules of international criminal law and to clarify existing principles across a range of areas, including the application of the principle of complementarity, fair trial process, modes of liability and the scope of liability. The application of Article 17 of the Rome Statute (complementarity) was addressed in Lubanga, 39 where the Court and Prosecutor considered that there was no issue of admissibility as the situation had been a self-referral. Article 17 was further considered in Bemba Gombo, 40 where it was argued that proceedings at a national level precluded the prosecution of individuals before the ICC. The Court determined that the dismissal of charges at a state level amounted to a decision not to prosecute, which would make the case inadmissible before the ICC. Similarly, in Katanga, 41 it was argued that Katanga could not be prosecuted as he had already been investigated by the DRC and that the ICC could not exercise jurisdiction simply because it prefers to prosecute the case. The Appeals Chamber held: In the case of inaction, the question of unwillingness or inability does not arise; inaction on the part of a State having jurisdiction (that is, the fact that a State is not investigating or prosecuting, or has not done so) renders a case admissible before the Court, subject to article 17(1)(d) of the Statute. 42 This may create difficulties if the state is attempting to address international crimes by non-prosecutorial means or by novel prosecutorial processes, which are proving slow to set up. The test is not that a member state is doing nothing at all; it is that the state is not investigating or prosecuting. Disclosure of informaLion arose in Lubanga, 43 where the OTP bad promised confidentiali.ty to informants and that the infonnation they provided would never be di closed outside of the OTP; a such, 207 potentially relevant documents were not disclosed to the defence. This policy was held by the n·ial Chamber to have jeopardised Lubanga's right to a fair trial and issued a stay of proceedings. The trial wa only able to continue once the OTP had renegpt.iated the agreements with it sources so that the material could be disclosed. The issue of disclo ure arose again in Lubanga 44 on account of the OTP's use of intermediaries to gather evidence. The defence alleged that that some of the intermediaries had procured or attempted Lo procure false evidence. In response, the OTP maimained its refusal to disclose Lbe identity of a particular intermediary, meaning that they could not give evidence. The Trial Chamber held that the Pro ecutor's actions constituted an abuse ofproce and ordered a stay. Although overturning the stay, the Appeal Chamber held that the Prosecutor hould have complied with the Trial Chamber's order and that such compliance was 'the fundamental criterion for any trial to be fair ' . 45 The mode of liability was controversially charged in Katanga, 46 when it wa recharacterised by the Trial Chamber after the close of the evidence from coperpetration (Article 25(3)(a)) to contribution to a crime committed by a group (Article 25 (3)(d)). This re-characterisation resulted in a conviction and has raised que tions as to whether it was consistent with the right of the defendant given that thi basi of liability wa not addressed by either the prosecution or defence at trial.
The required evidentiary standard for tJ1e confirrnati. on of charges has been addre sed by the ICC in Lubanga, 47 where it was held that the tandard required wa 'sufficient evidence' to establi h ub tantial grounds'. This tandard is higher than that required for an arre l warrant, but lower than that required for conviction and was designed to protect defendant from wrongful' and ' wholly unfounded' charges.
The u e of circumstantial evidence in ICC trials i an important issue that was al o rai ed jn Lubanga. 48 The Trial Chamber held at paragraph 111 that ' when, ba ed on the evidence there is only one rea onable conclu ion to be drawn from particular facts the Chamber ha concluded that they have been e tablished beyond reasonable doubt' . The scope of principal liability and individual criminal responsibility has also been developing at the ICC as a direct result of African cases. At present, there are two conflicting approaches regarding the interpretation of Article 25(3) of the Rome Statute, which concerns individual criminal responsibility. In Lubanga, 49 the Court adopted a wide interpretation for the elements in which liability as a principal is grounded. This resulted in the expansion of the scope of criminal liability. Under this interpretation, three possible forms of common purpose arose: co-perpetration (where two or more people act together), indirect perpetration (where one person is acting through another agent) and indirect co-perpetration (where two or more people act together to bring about their criminal plan by using other persons as their agents). In the majority opinion, great reliance was also placed on 'general principles of law' derived from national legal systems, as opposed to plain reading of the Statute. In Katanga, 50 the Court held that the distinction between perpetrators and accomplices is grounded in the autonomous or vicarious character of their contribution to the offence. In essence, this approach seeks to apportion culpability by determining which party was in the driving seat and which party was merely a passenger along for the ride. There have not yet been enough cases before the Court to determine which approach, Lubanga or Katanga, it will ultimately favour. It is a process-over time greater precedent-that will provide more certainty for those working in and appearing before the Court.
Beyond the further development of existing principles, a number of landmark ICC decisions have also arisen from situations in Africa. The September 2016 conviction of Al Mahdi 51 for the war crime of intentionally directing attacks against religious and historic buildings in Mali was such a landmark decision. Arising out of a guilty plea, it was the first time that a conviction was recorded in an international criminal tribunal for the destruction of cultural sites and demonstrated the symbolic importance of protecting cultural heritage. 52 The first ICC reparation order was also issued in Katanga 53 in March 2017. The requirement to pay reparations is hoped to assist in effecting reconciliation and represents a shift in the emphasis of criminal justice from being solely on the perpetrator(s) to focusing on the victims as well. The issuance of the first reparations order by the ICC demonstrates that it is not an empty principle but one that the Court is willing to apply.
During the early development of any legal system, somewhat experimental cases need to be heard by a court of law. In this regard, Africa and the cases it has raised 49  have been an essential catalyst for the development of international criminal law. The precedents set in such groundbreaking cases contributed to the effectiveness of the field and carved out international law's powers to provide protection to those in need of the law and its mechanisms. The principles established and refined from these cases will impact not only the ICC but potentially the African Court of Justice and Human Rights with extended jurisdiction to core international crimes.

Tailoring an Alternative/or a Parallel Criminal Justice in Africa?
In 2008, the AU adopted the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (Merger Protocol), 54 which concerned the merger of the African Court of Justice (ACJ) and the African 1 Court of Human and People ' Right (AfCHPR) to form the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (APCJHR). This Protocol has not yet come into force a it ha no! received the required 15 ratifications.
In June 2014, the AU adopted the Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statute of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights 55 (Malabo Protocol). Although adopted by the AU, the Protocol doe not enjoy unanimou supporL and will not enter into force until it has been ratified by 15 states (al the lime of writing, the Protocol has been signed by 10 AU member tate but ha. not been ratified by any member state 56 ). The Protocol is intended to expand the juri diction of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (AFCJHR), and the following are noteworthy: • it proposes to include offences currently covered by the ICC (crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes); • it proposes Lo add offences of terrori rn, mercenarism, trafficking, illicit exploitation of natural resources and lhe unconstitutional change of government which are not found in lhe Rome Statute and are of great concern to African states as they underpin many of the continent's conflicts; and • it provides for immunity for heads of state. However, it does not follow that the implementation of such an immunity in a regional court would deter offenders; _,. African Union (2008)  indeed, it could potentially cause leaders to retain power at any cost. It must also be noted that the immunity provided by the African Court may not prevent the ICC from investigating and prosecuting the African Court's members. For example, if the Malabo Protocol were to be implemented and the implementing states had been parties to the Rome Statute but had withdrawn their membership, they could still be investigated and prosecuted for offences committed during their ICC membership period under Article 127(2). Equally, for any states that were members of both the ICC and the African criminal court, Article 17 could potentially allow the ICC to investigate heads of state as an immunity in the regional court could be argued to make that court 'unable' to prosecute and as such leave open the option for the ICC to do so. 57 There are pros and cons to this proposed expansion of jurisdiction. 58 On the one hand, it would enable African states to prosecute serious offences themselves without forced recourse to the ICC; it would allow greater consideration of African priorities, such as the exploitation of resources; it would involve the creation of additional organs of the Court, i.e. a Defence Office and a Victims Office; and it would allow alternative justice measures, such as truth commissions, to be included. On the other hand, the expansion of jurisdiction as proposed by the Malabo Protocol is not realistic as the proposed mandate is over-ambitious 59 and economically unfeasible. African states do not have the ability to finance such expanded continental judicial activities, as well as their national judicial systems. The cost of the Court would need to be largely borne by the AU, which is itself underfunded and which, further, does not represent a unified position of all its member states.
There could also be a difficulty in staffing the Court. The Protocof states that there would be a total of 16 judges: five with experience in international law, five with experience in international human rights law and six with experience in international criminal law. As the Court would consist of three chambers (pre-trial, trial and appeals), either there would not be enough specialist judges or cases would be heard by judges without specialisation in the area. In order for each case to be heard by a judge with specialisation in the relevant area, more judges are required, which would in turn increase the financial demands of the Court. 60 Perhaps the greatest difficulty that any African continental court with criminal jurisdiction would face is the lack of political will. Without genuine commitment from all governments involved, no court can function effectively, particularly when that court professes to investigate and prosecute high-ranking officials. Unfortunately, 57 du Plessis (2012). 58 For an interesting discussion see (2016) 'Seeking Justice or Shielding Suspects? An analysis of the Malabo Protocol on the African Court'. African Centre for Open Governance. http://kptj.africog.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/l l/Malabo-Report.pdf. Accessed 8 January 2018. 59 Gaeta and Labuda (2017). 60 (2016) 'Seeking Justice or Shielding Suspects? An analysis of the Malabo Protocol on the African Court'. African Centre for Open Governance. http://kptj.nfricog.orgfwp-content/ uploads/2016/11/Malabo-Report.pdf. Accessed 8 January 2018. the extent of real support can only be known when a state is being investigated, and one of the real difficulties of international courts is that cooperation cannot be forced. It is also an important consideration that by dealing with these offences at regional, as oppo eel to international, level, states would not be engaging fully in the inlernational community, including ensuring that the ICC is a truly international court At present, it appears that the realistic option is to enable African states to strengthen their national (or regional) judicial systems over the long term, as well as engaging with the ICC. The January 2018 AU decision referred to earlier is an example of African states' willingness to engage with international criminal justice. Equally, the ICC needs to improve on its perception problem so that it is seen as a legitimate forum for the investigation and prosecution of international crimes. This can only be done by broadening its focus from Africa and engaging in a dialogue with African states about their concerns.

Conclusion
The primary concerns raised by African states with respect to their relationship with the ICC include fears of neocolonialism, prosecutorial focus on Africa, the close relationship between the ICC and the UNSC, the issue of immunities for heads of state and the peace versus justice debate remaining, even though a number of African states remain committed to the ICC. As a result, and in spite of the sometimes strained relationship, African states have been central to the development of international criminal law. The early cases from Africa have allowed the Court to clarify such important principles as fair trial rights before the ICC, the protection of cultural sites and the use of reparations as a remedy under the ICC. The relationship between African states and the ICC was at its most tense in 2016 when three states (South Africa, Gambia and Burundi) notified the ICC of their intention to withdraw, followed by the 2017 AU resolution on 'mass withdrawal'. However, a number of African states remain committed to the ICC, and in 2017 the withdrawal notifications of South Africa and Gambia were retracted. The February 2018 deci ion by the AU to seek an advisory opinion from the (CJ regarding the issue of immunities suggest that African tale want to remain engaged with international courts and tribunals. In short, African states should strengthen their national judiciaries; the option of extending the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights to international crimes may also be among the solutions. However, the best way forward is to continue to engage with the ICC.